Constitutional Change: Who Gains? Who Loses?

Last night over 200 Hansard Society supporters gathered in Westminster to debate Constitutional Change: Who Gains? Who Loses? On the panel was Graham Allen MP, Professor Vernon Bogdanor, David Howarth MP and Sir George Young MP. The panel discussed how far we have come and where we need to go to encourage greater public participation and open up our political system.

First up was Professor Vernon Bogdanor, highlighting the key themes of his recently published work The New British Constitution. Professor Bogadnor was keen to point out the importance of the constitutional question in the upcoming General Election; a question that he feels is too often missed by public debate. Professor Bogdanor noted that although it has happened in a ‘very British, piecemeal manner’ a great deal has changed since 1997, citing devolution and the Human Rights Act to name but two examples. The principle theme of Professor Bogdanor’s argument looked to limitations on Government, suggesting that the House of Commons is now far more rebellious than ever before, acting as an effective check on the executive. However, he was also keen to note that Parliament remains ‘a house without windows’ and the future of constitutional change must be pushed forward by popular momentum.

David Howarth MP provided, by his own admission, a gloomier outlook. Mr Howarth did concede that the autonomy of the judiciary is now more assured and less ‘political’. However he claimed that ‘we are nowhere with the House of Lords’. On the question of electoral reform he took a firm stance against the introduction of primaries suggesting that such a move would merely exacerbate our ‘spectator democracy’, one akin to the X Factor; people look in and make judgements without actively participating in the process. Mr Howarth suggested what we need is to encourage discussion and dialogue, talking to one another to reach ‘creative solutions to existing problems’. In response to a question on powers of scrutiny Mr Howarth was highly critical of Parliament’s inability to scrutinise spending before it happens, a process that is essentially the basis of policy making. He therefore concluded that ‘parliament is not effectively engaged in policy making’.

Graham Allen MP was equally dissatisfied with the ‘classical British incrementalism’ that has prevented meaningful constitutional reform. Citing his personal experience under both Blair and Brown he noted that governments don’t get more radical in power, they get less so. Mr Allen thus referred to the lack of separation of powers, the ‘tyranny of the executive’ and a state where ‘we are not even trusted to have an independent local government’. The thrust of Mr Allen’s argument was a drive towards pluralism and greater autonomy at a regional level. He noted that this is not ‘dry constitutionalism’ but the ‘lifeblood of our democracy’.

Sir George Young MP discussed the future of constitutional change under a Conservative government, admitting his own disappointment in the Constitutional Reform Bill. Sir George challenged David Howarth MP, stating that he believed primaries to be of great value, broadening the base of the party and offering an opportunity for necessary restructuring. Sir George was in agreement with the panel that there was indeed ‘unfinished business’ when it came to the House of Lords, stating he was in favour of a predominantly elected second chamber and that the adoption of (should this say one-term?) term peers would be a stepping stone towards effective reform. Further changes under a Conservative government would take the form of greater flexibility for Committees, a refinement of policy on the West Lothian Question, rebalancing the inequity of the current system.

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Comments

Francoise Boucek said:

It seems to me that a key aspect of constitutional change in Britain involves rethinking the role of political parties - at least if one of the objectives for change is to try and reconnect citizens with politics and thus with politicians. But as long as the shackles of party discipline remain strongly in place and that the structure of incentives for British MPs (eg. career advancement)  is dependent on loyalty to the party leader unchanged what hope is there for elected representative to ever get seriously involved in policymaking and engage in deliberation?  Panelists were pretty silent about political parties yesterday.

November 11, 2009 7:47 PM

morgoth2005 said:

It is interesting to consider the possible effects of Proportional Representation in the UK Parliament, by comparing it with other countries where such a system has already been enacted.

Unfortunately it is impossible to compare with most countries or with the devolved governments since their systems of government are so drastically different from a parliamentary system.

The only possible example of a country with parliamentary government, an unwritten constitution and proportional representation is Israel, where the political system sways from crisis and there is no stable strong unified government. Israel can be lauded for many things but not for its politics.

Can we really implement a PR system into a parliamentary system such as ours?

November 11, 2009 8:58 PM

jmnbbg said:

In two hours of discussion and debate about Constitutional Reform (obviously, of the British Constitution) not a single mention was made of the Lisbon Treaty, the EU Constitution.

In discussion after the event, Sir George Young was kind enough to finally admit that our Constitution had, in fact, been "amended" by the Lisbon Treaty.

I beg to differ. In fact, it has not been "amended", it has been repealed in entirety, for no nation can serve two constitutions.

The British people are now vassals to a foreign Imperial power for the first time since the Roman Empire, the legal system of which, Corpus Juris Civilis, is at the heart of the EU Constitution.

How long before the foreign troops arrive to complete the conquest that our own treacherous politicians have just signed into law?

November 12, 2009 10:14 AM

community said:

The topics of civil society, localism and the third sector have not been picked up on sufficiently to date.  

o How local can we go?  

o Is it possible to locate and place civil society and community associations within a new constitutional settlement?

o How can we articulate civil society as a collective attribute of community association rather than as isolated consumer citizens?

o How can we conceptualise civil society as a realm that is distinct and independent of state and market?

o In terms of the New Labour modernising agenda how do we devolve to the level below the town hall?

o In terms of third sector modernisation, how do we ensure all the focus doesn’t just go to the few newly arrived voluntary corporate bodies but actually reaches the smaller informal majority who heroically work in their neighbourhoods without remuneration?

As Director of the Community Sector Coalition, an umbrella network of 25 national Third Sector bodies, with a wider membership of some 70,000 organisations and someone doing a PhD at Goldsmiths College on the role of community development on the local government modernisation agenda, with special reference to the democratic deficit, I am keen to take this details of this debate forward so here’s to further opportunities to discuss, plan and act.

Matthew Scott

November 17, 2009 12:50 PM

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